Everything about Grand Ayatollah Hossein-ali Montazeri totally explained
Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri (
Persian: حسین علی منتظری), styled
His Honourable Eminence, (born in
1922), was one of the leaders of the
Islamic Revolution in
Iran. He is best known as the one-time designated successor to the revolution's
Supreme Leader Ayatollah
Khomeini who fell out with Khomeini in 1989 over government policies that Montazeri claimed infringed on freedom and denied people's rights. He currently lives in the holy city of
Qom, and remains politically influential in Iran, especially upon reformist politics. Montazeri is a senior Islamic scholar and a
grand marja (religious authority) of Islam.
Early Life and public career
Born in 1922, Montazeri is from a peasant family in
Najafabad a city in Isfahan Province, 250 miles south of Tehran. His early theologcial edication was in Isfahan. He then went to Qom where he studied under Khomeini and went on to become a teacher at Faiziyeh Theological School there. While there he answered Khomeini's call to protest the
White Revolution of
Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in June 1963 and was active in anti-Shah clerical circles.
After Khomeini was forced into exile by the Shah, Montazeri "sat at the center of the clerical network" Khomeini established to fight Pahlavi rule. He was sent to prison in 1974 and released in 1978 in time to be active during the revolution.
Islamic revolution
Although Montazeri is now famous as an Islamic jurist who was made to pay for his liberal-leaning beliefs, during the revolution he was a strong supporter of Khomeini's idea of theocracy by
velayat-e faqih. He is the author of
Dirasat fi Vilayah al-Faqih, a scholarly book advocating rule by Islamic jurists under the principle velayat-e faqih.
In 1979, following the overthrow of the Shah, he played a pivotal role in instituting Iran's
theocracy. He was one of the leaders of the movement to replace the relatively democratic and secular draft constitution proposed for the Islamic Republic with one where Islamic jurists were dominant. He distributed "a detailed commentary and alternate draft" for Iran's new constitution. It included proposals to specify that
Twelver Shi'ism -- and not Islam in general -- was the official religion of the state; for Islamic jurists to appoint judges, have the right of veto over all laws passed by parliament and all candidates for president; and to forbid women to serve as judges or governors and forbid gender equality in general. Later he served on the
Assembly of Experts (
Majles-e-Khobregan) that wrote the
constitution and implemented many of his proposals. Montazeri relented though and following a session of the Assembly of Experts that November, he was designated Khomeini's successor as Supreme Leader.
Some observers believe Khomeini chose him for this role solely because of his support for Khomeini's principle of theocratic rule by Islamic jurists. Theocracy by
velayat-e faqih called for the most learned, or one of the most learned, Islamic jurists to rule, and of all those who might be considered a leading Islamic jurist only Montazeri supported theocracy.
» ... Montazeri fell short of the theological requirements of the Faqih. He couldn't claim descent from the Prophet nor did he possess the credentials of a revered scholar of Islamic law. His religious followers were few. And he lacked the all-important charisma. His selection had happened for one reason - he was the only one among the candidates for Faqih who totally endorsed Khomeini's vision of Islamic government.
In November 1987 Montazeri created more controversy when he called for the legalization of political parties, though under strict regulation. He followed this by calling for "an open assessment of failures" of the Revolution and an end to export of revolution, claiming Iran should inspire by example not train and arm allied groups. and in an interview published in
Keyhan in early 1989, criticized Khomeini in language that's said to have sealed "his political fate":
» The denial of people's rights, injustice and disregard for the revolution's true values have delivered the most severe blows against the revolution. Before any reconstruction [takesplace], there must first be a political and ideological reconstruction . . . This is something that the people expect of a leader. Montazeri also criticized Khomeini's fatwa ordering the killing of author
Salman Rushdie saying: "People in the world are getting the idea that our business in Iran is just murdering people."
On March 26 1989 a furious Khomeini strongly denounced Montazeri's actions, and two days later announced that Montazeri had resigned his post. Montazeri didn't protest his loss, issuing a message concluding, "I ask all brothers and sister not to utter a word in my support."
In addition to losing his position as designated heir, Montazeri's title of Grand Ayatollah was withdrawn, publication of his lecture in the
Keyhan newspaper and reference to him on the state radio stopped, his portraits were collected from offices and mosques, and his security guards were withdrawn. "Articles and editorials appear in various newspapers aimed at dismantling" Montazeri's "impeccable" revolutionary credentials."
Some have claimed that the amendment made to Iran's constitution removing the requirement that the
Supreme Leader to be a
Marja, was to deal with the problem of a lack of any remaining
Grand Ayatollahs willing to accept "illimitable
velayat-e faqih". However, others say the reason marjas were not elected was because of their lack of votes in the
Assembly of Experts, for example Grand Ayatollah
Mohammad Reza Golpaygani had the backing of only 13 members of the assembly. Furthermore, there were other marjas present who accepted "illimitable
velayat-e faqih"
Later dissent and house arrest
Khomeini died that June and another cleric, Seyed Ali Khamene'i, was selected by the Assembly of Experts to be the new Supreme Leader. Khamene'i had been only a mid-ranking
Hojatoleslam before Montazeri's removal. His promotion was sometimes silently and sometimes openly rejected by many Shi'a, including Montazeri.
In December 1989 Montazeri's supporters in Qom distributed "night letters" questioning Khamene'i's qualifications to be a
Marja e Taqlid ("Source of Emulation"), or in other words, an
Ayatollah. In retaliation
Revolutionary Guards "detained and humiliated" Montazeri, "forcing him to wear his nightcap rather than his white turban."< after "more than 100 Iranian legislators" called on President Khatami to free Montazeri. Some thought that the government lifted the house arrest to avoid the possibility of a popular backlash from the ailing Montazeri dying while in custody.
Criticism of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
On January 22, 2007, Grand Ayatollah Montazeri criticized
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for his nuclear and economic policies.
While agreeing that nuclear energy is Iran's right, he criticized Ahmadinejad's aggressive approach to the issue, saying, "One has to deal with the enemy with wisdom, not provoke it, ... his (provocation) only creates problems for the country."
Reputation
Montazeri has been described by his allies as "brilliant," down-to-earth, unpretentious, plain spoken, and as one who "lives plainly, and equates Islam with social justice" and stays above political infighting. His detractors have portrayed him as stubborn and naive in his insistence that the Islamic republic find reconciliation with the "Hypocrites and Liberals" who are its "internal enemies."
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